Landmark Supreme Court case’s namesake acquitted in Louisiana

NEW ORLEANS — Evangelisto Ramos walked out of a New Orleans courthouse and away from a life sentence accompanying a 10-2 jury conviction, thanks in large part to the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision bearing his name.

Ramos v. Louisiana outlawed nonunanimous jury convictions as unconstitutional, with justices on the 6-3 majority acknowledging the practice as a vestige of racism from the era of “Jim Crow” laws enforcing racial segregation.

The 2020 ruling meant a new trial for Ramos, who was acquitted in March — this time by a unanimous jury — after defense lawyers highlighted weakness in the investigation leading to his prosecution.

“I knew my case was important because a lot of people were going to get their freedom back,” Ramos, a Black immigrant from Honduras, told The Associated Press, answering emailed questions about his time in prison and his pursuit of a new trial.

[pullquote speaker=”Sarah Chervinsky, one of Ramos’ retrial lawyers” photo=”” align=”left” background=”off” background_color=”” border=”none” border_color=”#888888″ border_size=”1px” shadow=”off”]You can’t overstate the significance of what this verdict signals[/pullquote]

But prospects for freedom remain murky for hundreds of people convicted on 10-2 or 11-1 jury votes whose appeals were exhausted before the Ramos case was decided. The advocacy group Promise of Justice Initiative estimates there are more than 1,500 such people locked up in Louisiana.

In Oregon, the only other state that allowed nonunanimous verdicts for convictions before the Ramos case, the state Supreme Court granted new trials. But the U.S. Supreme Court and the Louisiana Supreme Court rejected arguments to apply the ruling retroactively.

Louisiana advocates also have turned to the Legislature in recent years. But the latest potential remedy stalled in the House and appears dead after representatives voted 50-38 against the measure Thursday. It is unlikely supporters can revive the bill with two weeks left in the legislative session.

The proposal drew criticism from some prosecutors who didn’t want to revisit old cases, as well as advocates for people it was meant to benefit.

Instead of retroactively granting new trials, the legislation would establish a commission with three retired state appellate or Supreme Court judges empowered to decide whether the verdict “resulted in a miscarriage of justice,” and whether parole is warranted.

[pullquote speaker=”Hardell Ward, Promise of Justice Initiative” photo=”” align=”right” background=”off” background_color=”” border=”none” border_color=”#888888″ border_size=”1px” shadow=”off”]It has to be true relief[/pullquote]

Backers of the bill by Rep. Randal Gaines, D-LaPlace, cast it as a compromise. Prosecutors had argued mandatory new trials would strain the court system, renew emotional pain for crime victims and their families and burden prosecutors with years-old evidence and, in some cases, witnesses who have died or cannot be found.

Even the compromise failed to win over some state prosecutors, according to Loren Lampert, executive director of the Louisiana District Attorneys Association, which was officially neutral on the bill. Meanwhile, criminal justice advocates were unhappy with the compromise measure’s lack of a path for exoneration.

“It has to be true relief — release from being considered guilty,” said Hardell Ward, a Promise of Justice Initiative attorney whose client’s case led to a state high court ruling barring older, appeal-exhausted convictions from the ban on nonunanimous verdicts.

Ramos was arrested in 2014 and tried on a second-degree murder charge in the stabbing death of a woman found in a trash can outside her home. All but two jurors found him guilty in 2016. Retrial defense attorneys noted DNA from two people, neither of them Ramos, was found under the victim’s fingernails. There was no blood recovered from the floor of Ramos’ apartment, where prosecutors argued she was killed.

You can’t overstate the significance of what this verdict signals about how deeply problematic these nonunanimous juries were,” said Sarah Chervinsky, one of Ramos’ retrial lawyers.

Nonunanimous jury policies were rooted in post-Civil War policy and designed to make conviction of Black defendants easier, even with one or two Black jurors.

In 2018, Louisiana voters prohibited nonunanimous verdicts for crimes committed after Jan. 1, 2019. The vote followed a Pulitzer Prize-winning series of stories in The Advocate analyzing the law’s racist origins and the racial disparities in verdicts.

The 2020 Ramos decision affected active cases even for crimes committed before 2019. But progress stalled when the high courts refused to make the Ramos decision retroactive.

Some prosecutors have taken it upon themselves to review cases involving Jim Crow verdicts.

Jason Williams established a civil rights division when he took over New Orleans’ district attorney’s office in 2021 on a reform platform. His office says more than 100 of an estimated 230 such cases have been reviewed. Cases were dismissed against 10 wrongfully convicted people and dozens of sentences or charges have been reduced.

It’s not clear how many verdicts have come out differently after Ramos. The Louisiana District Attorneys Association is not compiling those statistics, Lampert said in an email.

New trials do not always lead to new verdicts. A jury in Jefferson Parish unanimously convicted a man of second-degree murder whose nonunanimous 2018 conviction had been overturned. Jefferson prosecutors obtained a similar result in a retrial last August.

But a retrial requiring a unanimous verdict can mean a case with room for doubt gets a more thorough look, Chervinsky said.

“It is not a technicality, it is not an insignificant difference, when the prosecutor has to convince all 12 people to unanimously agree on a verdict,” Chervinsky said. “That encourages more vigorous debate and discussion. It requires them to really take into account all of the potential reasonable doubt in the case in a way that I think jurors can ignore if they’re permitted to ignore the voices of two people in that room.”

Legal marijuana shops in Oregon in danger of losing their business

PORTLAND, Oregon — When Oregon lawmakers created the state’s legal marijuana program, they had one goal in mind above all else: to convince illicit pot growers to leave the black market.

That meant low barriers for entering the industry that also targeted long-standing medical marijuana growers, whose product is not taxed. As a result, weed production boomed — with a bitter consequence.

Now, marijuana prices there are in freefall, and the craft cannabis farmers who put Oregon on the map decades before broad legalization say they are in peril of losing their now-legal businesses as the market adjusts.

Oregon’s Liquor Control Commission announced Wednesday they will stop processing new applications for marijuana licenses in two weeks to address a severe backlog and ask state lawmakers to take up the issue next year.

Experts say the dizzying evolution of Oregon’s marijuana industry may well be a cautionary tale for California, where a similar regulatory structure could mean an oversupply on a much larger scale. “For the way the program is set up, the state (California) just wants to get as many people in as possible, and they make no bones about it,” said Hilary Bricken, a Los Angeles-based attorney specializing in marijuana business law. “Most of these companies will fail as a result of oversaturation.”

The oversupply can be traced largely to state lawmakers’ and regulators’ earliest decisions to shape the industry. They were acutely aware of Oregon’s entrenched history of providing top-drawer pot to the black market nationwide, as well as a concentration of small farmers who had years of cultivation experience in the legal, but largely unregulated, medical pot program.

Getting those growers into the system was critical if a legitimate industry was to flourish, said Sen. Ginny Burdick, a Portland Democrat who co-chaired a committee created to implement the voter-approved legalization measure. To encourage this transition, lawmakers decided not to cap licenses; to allow businesses to apply for multiple licenses; and to implement relatively inexpensive licensing fees.

ERALDO PERES / Associated Press
A young man smokes marijuana in front of the headquarters of the Brazilian Supreme Court, during a protest in favor of legalizing marijuana, in Brasilia, Brazil May 30.

The decision to stop processing license applications comes after U.S. Attorney Billy Williams challenged state officials to address the oversupply. “In my view, and frankly in the view of those in the industry that I’ve heard from, it’s a failing of the state for not stepping back and taking a look at where this industry is at following legalization,” Williams told the AP in a phone interview.

Lawmakers also quickly backtracked on a rule requiring that marijuana businesses have a majority ownership by someone with Oregon residency after entrepreneurs complained it was hard to secure startup money. That change opened the door to deep-pocketed, out-of-state companies that could begin consolidating the industry.

Now, cannabis retail chains are emerging to take advantage of the shake-up. A company called Nectar has 13 stores around the state — with three more on tap — and says on its website it is buying up dispensaries too. Canada-based Golden Leaf Holdings bought the successful Oregon startup Chalice and has six stores around Portland, with another slated to open.

William Simpson, Chalice’s founder and Golden Leaf Holdings CEO, is expanding into Northern California, Nevada and Canada. Simpson welcomes criticism that his business is to cannabis what Starbucks is to mass-market coffee. “If you take Chalice like Starbucks, it’s a known quantity, it’s a brand that people know and trust,” he said.

Amy Margolis, the Oregon Cannabis Association’s executive director, says capping licenses would only spur more consolidation in the long term. “I’m very interested to see … how this market settles itself and (in) being able to do that from a little less of a reactionary place.”

For now, Oregon’s smaller marijuana businesses are trying to stay afloat.

A newly formed group will launch an ad campaign this fall to tell Oregonians why they should pay more for mom-and-pop cannabis. Oregon Craft Cannabis Alliance founder Adam Smith believes 70 percent of Oregon’s small growers and retailers will go out of business if consumers don’t respond. “We could turn around in three to four years and realize that 10 to 12 major companies own a majority of the Oregon industry and that none of it is really based here anymore,” he said. “The Oregon brand is really all about authenticity. It’s about people with their hands in the dirt, making something they love as well as they can. How do we save that?”

First sentencing handed down in Bundy standoff

KEN RITTER
Associated Press

LAS  VEGAS — A New Hampshire judge sentenced a man Wednesday to more than seven years in prison for his role in organizing a 2014 armed protest over federal lands in Nevada.

Gerald “Jerry” DeLemus became the first person sentenced for his ties to the confrontation that occurred after Cliven Bundy and his backers tried to reclaim Bundy’s right to let his cattle graze on government land. Eighteen others are in custody.

DeLemus has been jailed for almost 16 months, so the sentence means the 62-year-old former U.S. Marine will spend about six more years behind bars. His attorney, Dustin Marcello, said he will appeal.

DeLemus arrived at the Bundy ranch hours after the tense armed standoff that led to the release of the rancher’s cattle. It was hailed as a victory in a decades-long fight over government-owned land.

He then spent more than a month in an encampment organizing armed patrols and serving as an intermediary between a self-styled militia and local authorities.

He had been expected to get a six-year sentence after pleading guilty last August to conspiracy to commit an offense against the U.S. and to interstate travel in aid of extortion.

But Chief U.S. District Judge Gloria Navarro in Las Vegas added time after faulting DeLemus for trying to withdraw his pleas. She said she did not think he accepted responsibility for his actions.

“I have to say, Mr. DeLemus, that you unfortunately are blinded by the information you choose to believe,” she said.

Navarro said  DeLemus could have advised Bundy to abide by court orders to pay 20 years of overdue grazing fees or to let agents round up his cattle from public land.

Instead he became a “bully vigilante, threatening peacekeepers of the community,” she said.

“I never heard you say you told Mr. Bundy … to follow the law,” she said.

DeLemus told the judge he traveled cross-country with weapons because he’d heard government snipers had surrounded the Bundy home.

He said he was willing to “take a bullet” to protect the family.

“My concern was that someone would get hurt,” he said. “It wasn’t the cows. I didn’t want that family injured. God will know in the end.”

DeLemus said he never would have shot at law enforcement. He cited a biblical passage that there is no greater love than to lay down one’s life for one’s friends.

“I may not have given it out there,” he said of the standoff near Bunkerville, about 80 miles northeast of Las Vegas. “I’m giving it now, in jail.”

Bundy, two of his sons and two other defendants are due for trial later this year. Six others may not be tried until early next year.